【Artur K. Wardega 】the Early Polish Missionaries coming to China

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From Benedict of Poland, ofm., (Benedictus Polonus波兰修士本笃, 1200-1280) to Michael Boym, S.J., (卜彌格, 1612-1659); the Early Polish Missionaries coming to China: Brief Historiography with special focus on Jan M. Smogulecki, S.J., (穆尼閣, 1610 – 1656).
 
Artur K. Wardega ( Macau Ricci Institute)
 
 
The year 2009 marks the 350th anniversary of the death of the Polish Jesuit missionary in China Michael Boym, S.J., (卜彌格,1612-1659). Boym seems to been the first to publish his learned writings which has introduced to European reader Chinese studies (Magnum Cathay, Antiqua Serica, Sina), botany studies (Flora sinensis),  medical studies (Clavis medica, Specimen medicinae Sinicae), geography (Cafraria), cartography  (Atlas Sinensis), historiography  (Brevis relatio) – but his contribution goes beyond this and embraces also lexicography and the identification of the  Nestorian stele, his work on the Hainan Island and his Sino-Latin poetry. However his important aims could not been achieved without the way cleared for him by less known, Polish predecessors in China mission such as Benedict of Poland, ofm, (波兰修士本笃1200-1280), Andrzej Rudomina, S.J. (廬盤石, 1596-1633) and especially Jan M. Smogulecki, S.J. (穆尼閣,1610-1656). The latest one’s contribution to the works called  Tianbu zhenyuan 天步貞原 or Lixue huitong 歷學會通,  Bili dui shubiao 比例對數表,  Xiyang huoqi fa,西洋火器法, and his collaboration with the Chinese scholar 薛鳳祚 Xue Fengzuo (1640-1680), as well as the hagiographical literature on Rudomina and his contribution to Kouduo richao口鐸日抄remains significant. In Chinese history of science Smogulecki is remembered as the one who first introduced logarithms to Chinese mind. My paper will focus on this latest aspect of his contribution to the Chinese studies.
 
THE EARLEST POLISH AND EUROPEAN MISSIONS TO CHINA
FRANCISCAN WAY TO CHINA
 
Among the earliest European missionaries who for the first time reached China were three Franciscan Friars: Giovanni da Pian del Carpine (1182-1252), a Franciscan provincial of Saxony and Poland, and his two companions who served him as translators; Brothers Stephen of Bohemia and Benedict of Poland (Benedictus Polonus, from Wrocław [Breslau]). They went to China in 1245 [seven years before the birth of Marco Polo and twenty four years before his famous trip to China] and came back to Rome in 1247.
Their mission had its origins in the defeat of the battle conducted by the Polish king Henry the Pius [Henryk Pobożny] against Tartars near Legnica in 1241. When the Polish king was killed and his troupes savaged, Pope Innocent IV trembled by fear. Trying to check the invasions of these formidable hordes, and eventually effect their conversion to Christianity, he decided to send to the Great Khan, as well as to the princes of Mongolia and Tartars, a diplomatic mission with proposition of peace and with an invitation to embrace the Christian religion. He entrusted this mission to Giovanni da Pian del Carpine and his two companions whose journey to China lasted about two years (1245-1247)[1]. At that occasion the Polish Friar, Benedict of Poland [mid 13th cent.], produced an itinerary report of his adventures, entitled “De Itinere Fratrum Minorum ad Tartaros[2].
 
POLISH JESUITS WAY TO CHINA
 
From the beginning of the establishment of the Society of Jesus in Poland (1564), Polish Jesuits were aware of the Chinese missions. Their stories had been printed in Rome in Litterae Societatis Iesu and the most interesting accounts were translated into Polish from Italian by Szymon Wysocki and edited under the title “Nowiny abo Dzieie dwuletnie z Japonu i Chin” [The News or Two Years History from Japan and China]. Although a good number of Polish Jesuits had applied for missionary work in China, only four of them could bring their plans to successful conclusion in the 17th century.
 
The first one who reached the Middle Kingdom, China, was Andrius RUDOMINA, S.J. (Lu Panshi 廬盤石1595-1632), was born into an influential family of Lithuania (most probably in Dowgieliszki, some ten km. from Vilnius). Having accomplished his studies at the University of Vilnius and at Leuven, Rudomina joined the Society in 1618 (may 31st in Vilnius) and was ordained a priest in 1623 in Rome. While studying in Rome at the Collegium Romanum, once he had a strange dream in which he saw his guardian angel showing him the whole world carried on the shoulders of the Jesuits. The heaviest missionary tasks to be carried on were in the Far East, so young Rudomina in his desire for the magis started to think about these missions. Right after his ordination he asked Fr. General M. Vitelleschi (1615-1645) to send him to the mission of China. He left Lisbon for India in 1625 (6.04) where he stayed about one year serving the poor in Goa. After that he reached 澳門Macao in 1626. In 1627 he took part in important meeting held in Macau ( fifty priests among them Alexander de Rhodes and Wojciech Mecinski) on rite of Baptism conferred in Vietnam. When he was studying Chinese in 家丁Jiading near 福州Fuzhou (prov. of 南京 Nanjing) he contracted tuberculosis. He died young (1631), after only five years of missionary activities in China and was immediately held in esteem more for his devotion, piety and pastoral work than for his scientific or erudite research or publications. He had accompanied Giulio ALENI, S.J. (1582-1649) to 福州Fuzhou. Together with Fr. Aleni he authored the Kouduo richao 口鐸日抄 (Answers to questions posed by Chinese scholars to Rudomina and Aleni) [1630], which was reprinted several times[3]福建Fujian province, where he--in spite of an invitation to come back to Macao and cure his sickness--remained in Fujian. In early 1631 the sickness didn’t allow him even to celebrate the Holy Mass and he was unable to receive Holy Communion. He was only 35 years old, when he died in Fuzhou (5.09.1631) [4].. The Polish sources give account of his two ascetic writings: Eighteen images of Heart on human virtue and vice, and Ten images of the diligent man and of the lazy one. It seems that Rudomina could attend a conference on the Chinese Name of God held in 1627. In 1628 he was sent to
 
The second one was Jan Mikołaj SMOGULECKI, S.J. (Mu Nige 穆尼閣1610-1656), born in Kraków in 1610. Before entering to the Jesuit novitiate in 1636, Smogulecki was already well known for his expertise in mathematics and astronomy and was praised by Fr. Christoph Scheiner[5]穆尼閣 he started his missionary work on Chinese soil first in Nanjing, a battlefield between the retiring Ming troops and the attacking Manchu’s. Then he escaped to 建陽 Jianyang where he stayed a little time. Once under suspicion of neighbors who considered him as a spy of the Manchu’s, he had to hide himself and finally, saved by a Chinese friend, he could go to Fujian province, which at that time was suffering from famine. In Fujian, during three years [from 1648 until 1651] he worked together with Fr. Aleni . After that, when a peaceful time came back, Fr. Smogulecki went to Nanjing where he became famous as a mathematician and astronomer[6]薛鳳祚Xue Fengzuo (1640-1680), published together with Smogulecki several writings on astronomy known as 天步真原 Tianbu zhenyuan (True Course of Celestial Motions). In one of them Smogulecki for the first time introduced to Chinese scholars the logarithm calculation, unknown in China. His fame came to the new Manchu Emperor Shi Zu (1644-1662) who in 1653 called him to Peking. The Emperor wanted to keep him in his court and was unhappy to hear Smogulecki’s request to allow him to work in Southern provinces of the Chinese Empire. Carrying Emperor’s letter, he went first to 云南省Yunnan province but because of uneasy times he was forced to go to 廣州市Canton in 廣東省Guangdong province. Later on, he joined his fellow Jesuits working in that province and went to 海南島 Hainan Island where, by respect to Emperor’s letter [iron letter, letterae patentes], had free access to the Southern territories. He succeeded in the restoration of the former Jesuit residence and its belongings in Hainan Island. On his way back to Canton, Smogulecki was stricken by an undefined sickness and died in 朝京幅 Zhaojing fou in 1656 (September 17th 1656 or September 7th 1657?).. Later on one Chinese scholar (1575-1650), a famous Jesuit astronomer and mathematician (active in Ingolstadt and in Rome). Smogulecki studied in Freiburg (mathematics and astronomy) and then in Rome (philosophy and law) where he showed his ability in dealing with solar spots and published under guidance of his mentor J. Schonberger a book entitled Sol illustrates ac propugnatus in 1626. He was appreciated for his eloquence and argumentation skills during the philosophical disputes in practice at that time. When he came back to Poland he was elected Mayor of Nakło and Member of Parliament and sat for the election of Władysław IV, King of Poland. His career was bright and nobody could expect that he would join the Society of Jesus. As a scholastic, he studied theology in Kraków and was ordained in Rome. After three years of pastoral work, in 1644 he was sent to China. Exhausted by long and perilous journey on sea, he reached Macao in 1646. From now on, known under his Chinese name Mu Nige
 
The third Jesuit was a well-known Polish missionary in China, Michał Piotr BOYM, S.J. (卜彌格 Bu Mige 1612-1659). Born in Lwov (Ukraine) in 1612, he was of Hungarian origin. His father, physician at the Court of Polish King Stephen Batory (who was Hungarian as Boym himself), was granted nobility titles at the beginning of the 17th century. He joined the Society in 1631 and after his novitiate he first studied pedagogy in Sandomierz and then philosophy in Kalisz. From 1637 to 1638, he taught grammar in one of the Jesuits Colleges and then he was sent to Kraków to study theology. Here he met Jan M. Smogulecki, S.J. and in 1643, after writing many letters to the General of the Society of Jesus asking him for permission to go to China, he left Europe and two years later he reached 淡京Tanking (1645), then Hainan Island where he learned Chinese. He received a Chinese name, 卜彌格 Bu Mige, and in 1649 he made his final vows in Macao. An opportunity took him to the Imperial court of Emperor Rongli of the Ming, where together with Fr. Andreas KÖFFLER, S.J. [1603-1651] he worked on the conversion of Emperor’s family to Catholicism. Later on the Empress Helen sent to the Holy See a delegation and entrusted Boym with the execution of that mission. On the way to Rome Boym stopped in Goa where the Portuguese found his mission harmful to their interests. They detained him, but finally he managed to escape. Unfortunately his mission in Rome did not succeed, as there were doubts about its authenticity and good will of Emperor. When staying in Rome, he wrote three important documents: Breve relazione della Cina, Flora Sinensis and Clavis Medica. He also made a well-detailed map of China drawn in 18 stages. Finally after the death of Pope Innocent X [1655], he was received by his successor on St. Peter throne, Pope Alexander VII [1655-1667], who finally answered the long waiting letter of Empress Helen. Michał Boym left Rome in 1656 and went to Goa where he learned that nobody in China wanted to hear about his mission anymore. Meanwhile, a weak Ming dynasty was shaken by political havoc in which Fr. Köffler perished. In these circumstances, Fr. Boym decided to go first to Siam and than to Tanking, where on the request of Macao’s Leal Senado he stayed about one year. Missing his work in the Imperial court, he made an attempt to reach the Forbidden City but on the way he died somewhere between Tanking and 關西省Guanxi province on August 22nd 1659.
 
The fourth and the last one Polish Jesuit who had hoped to reach China was Jan Chrzciciel BĄKOWSKI, S.J. (白維翰 Bai Weihan 1672-1732) a Pole from the Austrian province. Born in 1672 in Wikłów (Poland) he joined the Society in Graz (Austria). He accomplished his novitiate in Vienna and was ordained in Graz in 1704. He left for China in 1706 and one year later arrived to Macao (1707). There he received his Chinese name 白維翰Bai Weihan and was sent to the following provinces: 山東Shantung, 浙江Zhejiang, Guangdong and Guanxi. With the death of Emperor 康熙 Kangxi, the persecutions of Christians and of Jesuits intensified and in 1730 Fr. Bąkowski was forced to stay in Canton and to stop his missionary work. In that situation, he decided to leave China for the Philippines and work there with the Chinese. Two years later, in 1732, he died in Manila and was buried there, in the Cathedral.
 
At the end of this brief account, we should mention the names of some Polish missionaries who had been sent to China but unfortunately never reached her soil. There were:
1.                            Jan Ignacy LEWICKI, S.J. [1608-1648], perished on sea on his way to Tanking.
2.                            Konrad TERPIŁOWSKI, S.J. [1654-1714] originated from Lithuania, who tried to reach China overland by Siberia and was stopped in his way by an ukase of the Tsar forbidding the passage through Russian territories.
3.                            Ignacy Franciszek ZAPOLSKI, S.J. [1645-1703], a journey companion of Fr. K. Terpiłowski, S.J.
4.                            Norbert KORSAK, S.J. [1773-1846] professor of mathematics in Jesuit College of Połock.
 
From the time that Fr. Bąkowski left China in 1730 that was not Polish Jesuits working in China. Only after some 250 years later, the Polish Southern Province sent to Taiwan in 1989 two scholastics, 高仁安 Jan KONIOR, S.J. and 萬德化 Artur WARDĘGA, S.J.  
 
 
 
 
Brief Historiography of Jan M. Smogulecki, S.J., (穆尼閣, 1610 – 1656)
 
The memory of Jan M. Smogulecki (穆尼閣,1610-1656), a man who brought Logarithms to China, has fallen almost completely into oblivion which made him not even commonly known in his native Poland, where a few Polish lexicons feature his bigrams[7].
 
1.      Background of Smogulecki’s family and education
 
Smogulecki came from Polish aristocracy therefore the information on his family is quite complete. The place of origin of the Smogulecki family is the village of Smogulec in Greater Poland. His father – Maciej Smogulecki, coat of arms Grzymała – was educated in multiple disciplines and, following graduation of studies in Rome, he performed many public functions in Poland, such as the Bydgoszcz starost[8], or commissioner to King Sigismundus III. He committed a book entitled O exorbitancyjach (About exorbitations)which had been published a few times in Calisia (1619, 1622) and in Cracow (1632)[9]. His mother, Teresa (Zofia) Zebrzydowska was born a daughter to the Cracow starost and the Crown marshall[10] (Latin: mareschalus Regni Poloniae) – Mikołaj Zebrzydowski – whom the history of Poland remembers as the leader of a rebellion against the king in the years of 1606-1609. Polish nobles at that time opposed the policy of strengthening the royal power at the cost of nobles’ privileges, as well as the influences of Jesuits at court. Maciej Smogulecki at first joined his father-in-law's rebellion, but eventually decided to stand by the king (Kosibowicz 1929:150).
Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki was born in 1610 in Cracow as the first-born child, and had two brothers: Florian and Jan Jakub. Their father died early, when Jan Mikołaj was just seven years old[11]. His mother got married again to the castellan[12] of Chełm Stanisław Niemojewski, who already had two daughters[13], and together they had another daughter - Teresa Konstancja[14]. Having completed home schooling which was customary in aristocratic families, Jan Mikołaj started attending the Jesuit college in Brunsberg with his cousin Maciej Smogulecki, future husband of his sister. In 1622 he moved to the Lubrański Academy in Poznań. From this period a few occasional poems by the future missionary survived to this day (Nguyen 2006:76).
When he was fifteen, Mikołaj was sent to study at the Freiburg University. This was where he achieved his first scientific success, publishing a dissertation of Sol Illustratus Ac Propugnatus under the direction of Professor Georg Schönberger SJ.[15] It was this work that was quoted with numerous praises by an excellent astronomer, then a lecturer of mathematics and physics at the Academy of Ingolstadt, at Freiburg and other universities and collaborator of Schönberger’s – Christoph Scheiner SJ (1573-1650) who studied spots on the Sun and published his findings in his work Rosa Ursina sive Sol[16]. Smogulecki and Scheiner shared not only their interest in astronomy – in 1617 Scheiner wanted to leave for a mission to China and requested this from Muzio Vitelleschi, the Society of Jesus Superior General in 1615-1645. Vitelleschi, however, thought that Scheiner should stay in Europe and continue the mathematical research. Nearly twenty-five years later Smogulecki wrote to the same General a letter with the same request[17]. Maybe he was inspired by his master’s dreams. They probably had the opportunity to meet in Rome in the years 1627-1629 when Smogulecki studied philosophy and Scheiner worked on his Rosa Ursina. Smogulecki completed his course with a spectacular public defense of his doctoral thesis. The presented theses were printed on large sheets decorated with coats of arms of the eminent guests who attended the dispute. Description of this event can be found in a letter of A. M. Constantini SJ that he wrote twelve years afterwards to his friend[18] and in which he enthusiastically informs him of Smogulecki’s admittance as a theology student (Kosibowicz 1929:152-153). The defence was followed by a festive ceremony at which also five odes to the Polish king Sigismundus III had been recited. These works are of high literary value and were published several times thereafter, however their author is not certain. Some would have Smogulecki himself as the author, others believe they were written by an eminent poet Maciej Sarbiewski, SJ or Gilbert Jonin, SJ (Kosibowicz).
Next stage of his education consisted in law studies in Padua. In Archiwum nacji polskiej (Archive of the Polish nation) [19] there are references mentioning that on 1st of August 1629 Smogulecki was elected the nation’s councilor and gave up this function on 17th of October (Nguyen 2006:77).
Following his return to Poland, he started political career. In 1932 he was a deputy at the convocational parliament which elected king Vladislas IV, and in the following year he attended the coronation parliament. He then held the office of Nakło starost[20]. A year later, he became the commissioner for paying soldier's pay to the army, and in 1636 a deputy for the crown tribunal[21] (Niesiecki 1841:421; Załęski 1901:594).
 
2.      Jesuit vocation and request to be sent to China
 
At the height of his career, Jan Mikołaj suddenly decided to become a priest. Considering his family traditions and the entire education to this date, the Society of Jesus seems quite an obvious choice. His father had also studied in Jesuit colleges and his family provided subsidies for the order. References of 1618 remain on donation made by his uncle and guardian Jan Smogulecki, the heir of Smogulec, for Jesuites in Bydgoszcz.[22]. Jan Mikołaj himself prior to his joining the order had donated his private library to the Jesuit College in Bydgoszcz. Having handed his office of Nakło starost to his brother Jan Jakub, he started his novitiate at the St. Stephen’s Church in Cracow (Niesiecki 1841:421; Kosibowicz 1926:157). The order’s sources give the date of 14th of December 1636. Dziennik Spraw Domu Zakonnego OO. Jezuitów u św. Barbary w Krakowie 1630-1639 (The Journal of the Jesuit Monastery of Saint Barbara in Cracow 1630-1639)describes this event in detail in note no. 65, adding thereby that Smogulecki devised 40 thousand zlotys for St. Peter’s College (Wielewicki 1999:424). Another note of September 1638 says that he has just started theological studies at the college (ibidem: 490) and one from December that he took monastic vows (ibidem: 507). In autumn 1640 he came to Rome again to continue his studies and take orders. In a letter dated 6th of June 1641, he requests to be sent on a mission[23] which was to be a fulfillment of a previously made vow (Niesiecki 1841:421). He received consent of the General and left for Lisbon in 1644.
Niesiecki in his Herbarz writes that the king of Portugal, aware of the knowledge and skills of the missionary, tried to keep him at his court; Smogulecki, however, finally sailed out from Lisbon on 12th of April 1644. His voyage company included a group of Jesuits, among them Ludovicus Moura and Alvaro Semedo from Portugal, Bartholomaeus Sequeira from Spain, Joannes Rafael and Franciscus Sinamo from Italy, Ignatius Lagote from Flanders and Henricus Vanurliden from the Netherlands (Nguyen 2006:78). For ten months the ship remained at sea, not being able to call at any port. The ship finally called at Java, where Smogulecki wrote a letter to the order's Superior General and described the hardships of the voyage and the current situation at the Far East, as well as the fortunes of several missionaries. A copy of this letter dated 2nd of January 1645 is preserved in the archive of the Library of the Dukes of Burgundy in Brussels. Kosibowicz (1929:159-161) provides his own translation of the entire text from Latin into Polish. Smogulecki mentions lack of food and water for long months, ship’s damage from a thunder, diseases and extreme exhaustion which brought death to many of the voyagers, such as father Rafael. The ship reached the Dutch-ruled Batavia at the very last moment to save the remaining voyagers. It was there that Smogulecki stayed for a few months at a house of a Portuguese merchant, waiting for the opportunity to leave to Macau. He reports on peace being made between the Netherlands and Portugal, and pays particular attention to the news from China. He describes in detail the peasantry uprising led by Li Zicheng(李自成, 1606-1645)and the circumstances preceding the fall of the Ming dynasty. He informs of the Manchurian raid on Beijing and the attempts at regaining power by the Southern Mings. He only reports facts, without taking sides. He also mentions the impossibility to travel to Japan which had been completely closed to foreigners except the Dutch by whom he had been informed of the martyr's death of a fellow Pole - father Wojciech Męciński, S.J. (1598-1643)[24] .
 
3.      First missionary steps on Chinese soil
 
Smogulecki eventually made it to China as late as in 1646. His fortunes and activities there can be reconstructed using the reports of other missionaries working in China, such as Couplet, Gabiani, Martini, Rougemont or Foresi. Biograms – not always consistent – are included in the catalogues of Jesuits: J. Dehergne’s, L. Pfister’s or C. Sommervogel’s. In China Smogulecki was known as Mù Nígé 穆尼阁, Mù from his last name and Nígé from Latin form of his first name – Nicolaus.
His first mission territory was Jiangnan 江南, which is the region “South of Yangzi”, covering approximately the contemporary provinces of Henan, Jiangxi, Zhejiang and parts of Anhui and Jiangsu. At the time of Smogulecki’s arrival, violent fights between Manchurians and Mings were being waged. Once the Manchurians entered Fujian, Zhū Yùjiàn, Prince of Táng, committed suicide after fifteen months of his reign as Emperor Lóngwŭ. On 24th of December 1646, two coronations were held simultaneously: Lóngwŭ’s brother – Zhū Yùyuè, Prince of Táng as well, is crowned as Emperor Shàowŭ in Canton, and Zhū Yóuláng, Prince of Guì is crowned as Yŏnglì in Zhaoqing. Shàowŭ reigned, however, less than forty days, because, like his brother, he was forced to commit suicide when in the end of January 1647 Li Chengdong, a Chinese general on Manchurian service, conquered Canton without a fight. Yŏnglì initially withdrew the troops only to later gradually win back most of southern China territory, in particular as of the April siege of Guilin in which also Portuguese troops had their share. He did not manage to keep them for long, though, as at the end of 1650 the Manchurians reconquered Canton, and from then on Yŏnglì’s court is pushed farther and farther South, to Burma where twelve years later Wu Sangui would arrive with his army and execute the last Ming emperor.
Smogulecki, meanwhile, started his activities like any other missionary – from learning the language. He studies in Hangzhou 杭州 and in Jiangning 江宁, also known as Nanking, from where he had to flee from the Manchurians. With his companion – Simon da Cunha SJ[25]建阳, finding shelter in the house of the city administrator, very interested in European mathematics and astronomy. For some time they would enjoy scientific debates, but the missionaries soon had to flee again because of the enmity from the local population and being suspected of plotting with the Manchurians. With the aid of a Chinese friend they managed to leave the besieged house and after a few days arrived in the city of Jianning 建宁. During the flight Smogulecki lost his personal belongings as well as his mathematical and astronomical instruments[26] (Kosibowicz 1929:163-164; Nguyen 2006:79-80). from Portugal – he reached the city of Jianyang
His next stop was the agency in Fujian where he spent four years (1647-1651) working under the direction of Giulio Aleni SJ (1582-1649), and then of Simon da Cunha. Twenty years earlier, father Aleni had worked there together with Andrzej Rudomina SJ (Lú Pánshí 卢盘石1595-1632) – the first Polish missionary in China. In Fuzhou Smogulecki had to deal with exceptionally difficult conditions, as fights continued.
In the next few years Smogulecki stayed again in Nanking, where he could finally continue his research activity and teach European mathematics and astronomy. He made many acquaintances with Chinese scholars, and his students included Xuē Fèngzuò 薛凤祚(1600-1680) and Fāng Zhōngtōng 方中通(1635-1698). Their co-operation resulted primarily in the treatises Tiān bù zhēn yuán 天步真原and Lìxué huìtōng历学会通. Tiān bù zhēn yuán, prepared and published by Xuē Fèngzuò under the name of master Mù Nígé, was the first work in China to describe and use logarithmic equations. Fr. Couplet mentions as well that Smogulecki was also the author of Mappa Mundi elliptica.
 
4.      Final stage of Smogulecki’s life in China
 
At that time, Manchurians had already controlled the majority of the empire. Missionaries operating on the conquered territories had nothing left to do but to surrender to the new authorities and request from them permission to stay at the missionary agencies and continue their activities there. Surprisingly, they were granted permission because of the Manchurians’ interest in their knowledge of natural sciences and the outcomes of astronomical observations which had been conducted by the Jesuits in Beijing for some time already. Johann Adam Schall von Bell SJ (Tāng Ruòwàng汤若望) was even appointed the director of astronomical observatory by the emperor. The missionaries collaborated among themselves, and Emperor Shùn Zhì (顺治 1644-1661) decided to meet Smogulecki as well, who had already enjoyed a great respect in Nanking. In 1653, he came to Beijing at the Emperor’s bidding[27]. He, too, was offered an accommodation in the capital city, which was another proposal to stay at court in Smogulecki’s life. As Schall and Rougemont report, the Polish missionary requested permission to leave for Manchuria[28]. He eventually received a praiseful and respectful letter of safe conduct (litterae patentes) which allowed him free travel throughout the empire and receive assistance from officials in all provinces.
The route of his travels in the following two years is not known precisely. There is no information on his stay in Manchuria. Smogulecki probably travelled alone and tried to get to Yunnan as well, but war was still waged in that region. In 1655 he stayed in Guangdong where he met fathers M. de Maya and J. Brando who were just to become representatives in Hainan. Making use of his contacts he solicited recommendation letters for the missionaries from the province governor to officials in Hainan, and accompanied them to assist them further. We know the exact date of their arrival at the island – 22nd of June 1656. For a few months they were arranging a new agency in Ding’an 定安 established by father Bento di Mattos[29]卜弥格1612-1659), worked in 1647 when collecting materials for his Flora sinensis and from where he was forced to flee from Manchurians.. It was where the most famous Polish missionary, Michał Boym SJ (Bǔ Mígé
Jean-Nicolas Smogulecki died suddenly on 17th of September 1656, when he stopped at his Chinese friend’s house in Zhaoqing 肇庆 on his way to Canton. It was reported with much regret by father de Maya in his letter to the Superior General, written nearly two months later. Jesuit documents mention also another date of death, but considering the testimony of Smogulecki’s close co-worker, it does not seem probable.
 
5.      Smogulecki’s contribution to the Chinese knowledge in mathematics and astronomy
 
The mathematical and astronomical knowledge that Smogulecki managed to pass on to his students during his stay in Nanking was recorded by Xuē Fèngzuò and published in 1653 under the title of Tiān bù zhēn yuán 天步真原 (True Course of Celestial Motions). Xuē, who was Smogulecki’s most eminent student, Yí Fǔ 仪甫, háo Jì Zhāi寄斋, came from Shandong, district of Yìdū益都, town of Jīnlǐngzhèn 金岭镇 (contemporary Zībó 淄博). When he was young, he learned traditional Chinese astronomy from Wèi Wénkuí魏文魁. Xuē wrote: "I came to Nanking; this was twenty years later; and was further able to study trigonometry and also logarithms with Nikolaus." And elsewhere: "In 1653 I wrote Tiān bù zhēn yuán according to what I had learned from Smogulecki, amending his methods in many respects and giving them definitive treatment for the first time." (Sivin 1973). The imperial catalogue Siku quanshu 四库全书of 1782 regards Smogulecki as follows: “He liked discussing mathematics (suanshu) with scholars and did not enroll them into the Society of Jesus. In his teachings, he was styled “Sincere Gentleman” (Dushi junzi).”[30] (Jami 2004:90).
In 1664 Xuē Fèngzuò published also Lìxué huìtōng历学会通 (Integration of astronomical sciences), in which he reedited and elaborated on the contents of the previous work, adding also information from other fields. The work comprises 50 chapters and is divided into three parts: Zhèng Jí 正集, Kǎoyàn 考验 (experiments) and Zhìyòng 致用 (application) (Hu 1992:224). The key innovation contained there are the logarithmic tables Bǐlì sì xiàn xīn biǎo《比例四线新表》 (New Tables for Four Logarithmic Trigonometric Functions), Bǐlì duìshù biǎo《比例对数表》 (Logarithm Tables with Explanations) and Sānjiǎo suànfǎ《三角算法》 (Essentials of Trigonometry). Xuē Fèngzuò with Smogulecki translated them into Chinese, and the original text was probably, as Shi Yunli argues, Tabulae motuum coelestium perpetuae by Philip von Lansberge[31]. This was the first description and application of logarithms for astronomical calculations in China, and the mathematical contents of the work have already been quite thoroughly studied. Examination of the astronomical contents, however, shows that these treatises are also the first to make the Chinese acquainted with the heliocentric theory (Hu 1992; Shi 2000).
Ever since the heated scientific dispute started in the 17th century between the missionaries and Chinese scholars, astronomy was the main subject of their interest. This was mostly the result of practical issues and possible owing to the existence of similar theories, as acknowledgment of the possibility of calculating time and space based on measurement and listing the positions of celestial bodies, the possibility of predicting astronomical phenomena, calculation methods based on provided tables, as well as acknowledgment of the forecast verification criterion, which was compliance of the result of the forecasted calculations with the observed situation, and the possibility of reducing the margin of error (Martzloff 1993:67-68). However, although the work of Nicholas Copernicus (1473-1543) De revolutionibus was published as early as in 1543, a lot of time had to pass before the heliocentric theory became accepted even in Europe. Therefore the knowledge presented in Chóngzhēn Lìshū (崇祯历书Chongzhen’s Almanach), in spite of containing some elements of Copernicus’ theory, is still based on the Ptolemeian and Tycho Brahe’s (1546-1601) models (Hu 1992:224). It is believed that Smogulecki, like other scholars in his times - M. Boym and Wenzel Kirwitzer (1588/90-1626) from Bohemia, was a supporter of heliocentrism (Sivin 1973). There is a wide conviction, however, that the Copernicus’ concept of world model was first presented in China in writing as late as 1760 when a French missionary Benois [蒋友仁Jiǎng Yǒurén] showed to the emperor Qianlong a world map of Kūn yú quán tú《坤舆全图》, making annotations thereon mentioning the heliocentric model of the universe. Thorough analysis of Lìxué huìtōng, however, conducted by Hu Tiezhu[32]《物理小识》 by another eminent scholar and philosopher of that time – Fāng Yǐzhì 方以智 (1611-1671) - features comments by his son Fāng Zhōngtōng who was also Mù Nígé’s student and who writes explicitly: „Mù xiānsheng yì yǒu dì yóu zhī shuō” 穆先生亦有地游之说。 (Mr Smogulecki also has a theory that the Earth moves). And elsewhere: „Mù gōng yuē: Dì yì yǒu yóu” 穆公曰:地亦有游 (Master Mu said: “The Earth also wanders”). He cites a fragment in which Smogulecki persuades that the Ptolemeian concept is incapable of explaining the movements of Venus and Mercury. It has been, therefore, concluded that Smogulecki has told the Chinese scholars about the heliocentric concept but failed to leave any written records thereof. What is then the reason of erroneous reversal of captions under pictures in Lìxué huìtōng? Hu thinks that regardless of whether the pictures had been revised by the author himself or by prospective compilers, the reasons could be two: either it was the ban of Rome issued in 1616 to which Smogulecki could not object as a Jesuit; or it was due to the fact that in the early Qing times mainly the Ptolemeian and Tychonian systems were recognised and upon them Chóngzhēn Lìshū, revised later into Xīyáng xīn fǎ lìshū《西洋新法历书》, was based, and publishing of views inconsistent with these systems could also bring problems. Therefore, the heliocentric concept was presented in such a convoluted way. Besides, the quite complex description methodology, considerable abridgements and lack of in-depth explanations made this work, in spite of its innovativeness, fail to be analysed in more detail and the didactic and disseminating role fell to other, later works (Hu 1992:230-231)., shows the work to actually describe the astronomical system really based on the Copernican model of Earth’s revolutions around the Sun. The reason it had been unnoticed before was the artificially reversed positions of the Earth and the Sun on the drawings. The author concluded thus having analysed four aspects: drawings, calculations, development of Copernican theory in Europe, and the views of Smogulecki himself on the theory of the universe. This is also confirmed by the studies of Shi proving that Smogulecki used the work by von Lansberge who was a committed supporter of Copernicus’ theory (Shi ibidem:90). The text contains many fragments indirectly or directly presenting the missionary’s views. Xuē Fèngzuò, quoting Smogulecki, says that the concept of the universe from Chóngzhēn Lìshū is actually irreconcilable with Tiān bù zhēn yuán, which describes it even better. The work entitled Wùlǐ Xiǎoshí
Another mysterious issue is the authorship of the preface to Tiān bù zhēn yuán, because whoever wrote it failed to sign with his name, using a pseudonym of “Bìtuó sǎn hàn zhī” 苾驮散汉知 instead. This is crucial both because of the work’s importance and because still very little is known about its compilation process. Shi Yunli argues that the author was Fāng Yǐzhì[33]明, which would mean loyalty to the old dynasty. The “zhī” ideogram is another means of phonetic transcription of his name, while “sǎn hàn” refers to his rejection of the office. Allusions to the situation of Fang who was "without his place" but remained faithful to himself are included also in two stamps under the hand-written signature. Signing with his own name could also cause problems to Smogulecki and Xuē Fèngzuò (Shi 2006).. This philosopher was himself very interested in Western astronomy, and the way of hiding his identity behind a charade and using a metaphor of a grain hiding an entire tree are consistent with his style and habits known from his other works. Fāng also had the reasons to hide because, having abandoned the post of a clerk he was forced to accept by the Manchurians, he kept teaching in secret and lived as a monk in a Buddhist monastery around Nanking. The expression "bìtuó” in the signature is a Buddhist term (Sanskr. veda) which may also be translated as “míng”
The preface alone is a dozen or so sentences only in which Fāng Yǐzhì pays tribute to the author and his skills in practical application of knowledge. He enumerates the strengths and achievements of Western astronomy, in particular observations of southern constellations, the concept of the Earth’s revolutions, the precision and detailed character of observations and calculations, and the use of logarithms. He says that this is an immense contribution into natural sciences which the ancient Chinese thinkers had been unable to produce. He is positive about the work’s great value also for the Confucian thought as it conforms with the idea of control and direction of "human matters" contained in the "Book of Rituals" (Lǐ Jì礼记), which may be achieved with precise understanding of the principles of celestial bodies’ revolutions and the reasons for continuous changes in the Sun and the Moon, as well as in seasons of the year (Shi ibidem).
The European knowledge at the time of Ming and Qing dynasty change reached China mainly through Jesuit missionaries. Although their main purpose was evangelization, they knew well that the key to China may be their scientific potential in which the Chinese were so much interested. It was teaching the Chinese elites the achievements of Western science and, on the other hand, making the Europeans aware of complexity of the Chinese civilization became the most lasting effect of these first intense contacts. People to perform this task could not be chosen randomly. Apart from thorough knowledge they also had to have appropriate predilections and exhibit various talents. Smogulecki’s biography is clearly symmetrical. The “European” period is the period of youth, learning, gaining experience and shaping of his personality. Boarding the vessel leaving Lisbon, Smogulecki is already a mature man and will from then on be experiencing continuous trials. His previous resignation from material goods probably helped an aristocratic offspring in surviving long-lasting hunger at sea and the privation in China. His political experience, performed functions and the knowledge of customs at courts proved to be of use in contacts with Chinese elites, educated literati, and in particular with the Emperor himself. His mathematical and astronomical knowledge he had been learning for many years at European universities has proven absolutely invaluable. It allowed him not only to leave for China, become respected, recognized and liked there, but also helped him to save his life a number of times. What is most important, however, is that the knowledge did not get wasted. Fortunately it happened that Smogulecki met Chinese scholars of similar interests, could make friends with such eminent figures as Xuē Fèngzuò owing to whom the theory of logarithms was recorded, published and disseminated, making way for further development of natural sciences in China.
 
SOURCES
 
The following biograms give data on Smogulecki: Konopczyński 1935; Gąsiorowski 1981:677-678; Grzebień 1996:626; Estreicher 1891:318-319; Nowy Korbut 1965:253-254. The largest work about him is the article authored by E. Kosibowicz SJ “Zapomniany misjonarz polski” (The forgotten Polish missionary) of 1929[34]. Kosibowicz's sources of information included the Niesiecki's Herbarz (Armorial)[35]describing the histories of famous noble families and the Jesuit catalogues, such as these compiled by Sommervogel[36] or Pfister[37]. Smogulecki is also referred to in Polish Jesuit documents, such as Dziennik Spraw Domu Zakonnego OO. Jezuitów u św. Barbary w Krakowie 1630-1639 (The Journal of the Jesuit Monastery of Saint Barbara in Cracow 1630-1639)[38]. He is also mentioned by Stanisław Załęski in his 1901 work entitled Jezuici w Polsce (Jesuits in Poland) describing also such figures as Rudomina, Męciński and Boym[39]. Of contemporary authors, Smogulecki was studied by E. Alabrudzińska (1988) and D. Żołądź-Strzelczyk (2001: 655-667). Summary of the to-date knowledge of his life and activities can be found in a recently published Ph.D. dissertation by Duc Ha Ngyuen Polscy misjonarze na Dalekim Wschodzie w XVII-XVIII wieku (Polish missionaries in the Far East in the 17th and 18th Century)(Nguyen 2006).
 
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BIBLOGRAPHY:
 
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BIEŚ, Andrzej Paweł & Ludwik Grzebień & Marek Inglot 2002. Polonica w Archiwum
Rzymskim Towarzystwa Jezusowego, vol.1 Polonia. Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM.
CAO Zengyou曹增友2000. Chuanjiaoshi yu Zhongguo kexue. 传教士与中国科学
(Missionaries and Chinese Science). Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua Chubanshe. 北京: 宗教文化出版社.
CHABRIÉ Robert, Michel Boym Jésuite Polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (1646-
1662), Eds. Pierre Bossuet, Paris, 1933.
DEHERGNE Joseph, S.J., Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552 à 1800 Rome, 1973.
ESTREICHER, Karol 1891. Bibliografia polska vol. 28, part III v.17, pp. 318-319,
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GRZEBIEŃ, Ludwik (ed.) 1996. Encyklopedia wiedzy o jezuitach na ziemiach Polski i
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GĄSIOROWSKI, Antoni (ed.) 1981. Wielkopolski słownik biograficzny. Warszawa,
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HU Tiezhu胡铁珠1992. “Lixue huitong zhong de yuzhou moshi”《历学会通》中的宇
宙模式 (The Cosmological Model in Li Xue Hui Tong), Ziran Kexueshi Yanjiu自然科学史研究 (Studies in the History of Natural Sciences) 11( 3): 224-232.
INGLOT, Marek & Stanisław Obirek (eds) 2001. Jezuicka Ars Historica. Kraków:
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NATOŃSKI Bronisław, S.J., Pismo Prowincji Południowej Towarzystwa Jezusowego
“Nasze Sprawy” , nr. 10/88, Kraków 1988, ss. 258-261.
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文(The Mysterious Preface to the True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens), Guangxi minzu xueyuan xuebao ziran kexue ban 广西民族学院学报自然科学版 (Bulletin of the Guangxi Nationality University, Edition of Natural Sciences) 12, 1: 23-26.
SHI Yunli 石云里 2000. “‘Tianbu zhenyuan’ yu Gebaini tianwenxue zai Zhongguo de zaoqi chuanbo” 《天步真原》与哥白尼天文学在中国的早期传播 (the True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens and the Early Spread of Copernican Astronomy in China). Zhongguo keji shiliao 中国科技史料 (China Historical Materials of Science and Technology) 21: 83-91.
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[1] At the beginning of their mission they were hospitably entertained by Duke Vasilico in Russia, where they read the pope’s letters to the assembled schismatic bishops, leaving them favorably disposed towards reunion. They reached Kanieff, a town on the Tartar frontier, early in February 1246. The Tartar officials referred them to Corenza, commander of the advance guards, who in his turn directed them to Batu, Khan of Kipchak etc., then encamped on the banks of the Volga. Batu commissioned two soldiers to escort the papal envoys to Karâkorum, the residence of the Great Khan. They reached their destination in the middle of July after a journey of indescribable hardships. The death of the Great Khan Okkodai made it necessary to defer negotiations till the end of August when Kuyuk, his successor, ascended the throne. After much delay Kuyuk finally demanded a written statement of the pope’s propositions. His letter in reply is still preserved. Its tone is dignified and not unfriendly, but independent and arrogant. In it he says in substance: “If you desire peace, come before me! We see no reason why we should embrace the Christian religion. We have chastised the Christian nations because they disobeyed the commandments of God and Jenghiz Khan. The power of God is manifestly with us.” The superscription reads; “Kuyuk, by the power of God, Khan and Emperor of all men – to the Great Pope!” Carpine brought a translation of the letter in Arabic and Latin. They brought with them invaluable information regarding the countries and peoples of the Far East. Carpine’s written account, the first of its kind and remarkable for its accuracy, was exhaustively drawn upon by such writers as Cantù and Huc [Travels in Tatars, Tibet and China, 2 vols., 1852], The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12071c.htm
 
[2] This work itself seemingly has not survived. An anonymous scribe reworked Benedict’s account into a concise Relatio (1247). It was first published by D’Avezac in the “Recueil de Voyages”[Paris, 1839, IV,774-779]. Cf. the “Chronicle” of Glassberger in “Analecta Franciscana”(II, 71). “Relation des mongols ou tartares par Jean du Pian de Carpin. Première édition complète publiée d’Après les manuscrits de Leyde, de Paris, et de Londres,  cur., M. d’Avezac (Paris, 1838), Appendix : De Itinerere Fratrum Minorum ad Tartaros quae frater Benedictus Polonus viva voce retulit ; Sinica Franciscana, cur., A. van den Wyngaert, I. (Quarracchi, Firenze,1929), pp.131-143. See also: N. ROEST, Reading the Book of History. Intellectual context and educational functions of Franciscan historiography (1226-ca. 1350) [Groningen, 1996], pp. 114-115, and 121. About Benedict of Poland see also: P. Lebbe; Paul Goffart, Homme de Dieu, pp.19-25; Lettres inédites, pp.27-48 in: Église Vivante 2 (1950) pp.155-174, and Wacław Szuniewicz, Fils de l’Église, pp.49-64, Testaments, pp.65-69 in: LThk, Bd VI. Freiburg i. Br. 1961.
 
[3] Scholar from the West: Giulio Aleni S.J. (1582-1649) and the Dialogue between Christianity and China, ed. T.Lippiello, R. Malek, Nettetal 1997, pp. 88, 160-161, 368.
[4] On his tombstone it was engraved in Chinese as well as in Portuguese as follows in Latin: Pater Andreas Rudomina, oriundus in Lithuania, Sacerdos, qui venit in Regnum Sinarum, ad praedicandum Evangelium; in eodem, postquam laborasset quinque annis, obit 5 Septembris. Anno Domini, 1631.(in Vita et Mors..[1661] p. 126. 
[5] Ch.Scheiner, Rosa Ursina sive Sol ex Admirando Facularum & Macularum1626-1630, p.412: “prospiciendum nunc est, de altiore & nobiliore illarum domicilio: quod antequam facio, locus & tempus monet, ea quae de Mercurio, & Venere in Palatio Solis susceptis, succinct quidem, sed erudite in Sole illustrato disputant, Illustris, & generosus Dominus D. Ioannes Nicolaus Smogulechi (sic!), huc inserere, faciunt enim ad dictiorum intelligentiam, non parum”. (…) Smogulecki qui pro hac doctrina citat etiam Copernicum, Keplerum, Sarsium, Rothmannum, aliosque; aitque commune esse apud omnes fere Astronomos sentensiam”(ibidem, p. 741).
[6] In the Catalogue of Jesuits working in China of the year 1681, Fr. F. Couplet wrote few sentences about Smogulecki: “P. Nicolaus Smogolenski Polonus, eodem anno venit praedicatum S. Legem in Provincia Nanking. Xunchy Imperatoris anno 10, ingressus Aulam, cupiens praedicare legem in Tartaria, sed ex mandato region permissus in quocunque alio Imperii loco pro libitu legem praedicare, tandem profectus in Provinciae Quangtung Urbem Chaogking, obit ibidem, sepultus extra muros ejusem Urbis. Ab eo edita”: Catalogus Patrum Societatis Iesu, pp. 118-119.
[7] For the list of extensive references and sources of Smogulecki bibliography please refer the SOURCES at the end of this paper.
[8] Starost was a district administrator of treasury, police and courts, appointed by the king.
[9] Smogolecki, Maciej 1632. O exorbitancyach; Ktore w tym wieku, niektorzy Jch Mość PP. Świeccy, nowi politycy, stanowi duchownemu zadają. Zdanie zacney pamięci Jego Méi Páná, Macieia Smogoleckiego, Starosty Bydgoskiego: Jeszcze za ·żywota, do reku Jego Mości X. Arcybiskupa Gnieźnieńskiego Wawrzyńca Gembickiego, podane. (About exorbitations) Kraków.
[10] An office close to internal affairs minister, top rank minister in the kingdom.
[11] Legal guardian of the boys was Maciej’s brother, Jan Smogulecki, heir of Smogulec (Teki Dworzaczka. Akta sejmikowe województwa poznańskiego i kaliskiego z lat 1572-1632. Biblioteka Kórnicka PAN)
[12] Castellan was a castle or city governor.
[13] One of them, Zofianna of Lubieniec Niemojewska later became wife to Jan Jakub, starost of Nakło (Teki Dworzaczka, ibidem)
[14] Polski Słownik Biograficzny (Polish Biographical Dictionary) , v. 23, p.12.
[15] Sol Illustratus Ac Propugnatus Ab Illustri ac Generoso Domino, Domino Joanne Nicolao A Smogulecz Smogulecki, & Maioris Congregationis Academicae Friburgi Brisgoiae Praefecto, mathematicarum Scientiarum, atque Philosophiae Studioso. In Catholica Et Archiducali Academia Friburgo-Brisgoia. Praeside Georgio Schonberger, Societatis Iesu, Matheseos Professore Ordinario. In sole posuit Tabernaculum suum. Ps. 18 Friburgi Brisgoiae, Excudebat Theodorus Meyer, Anno a Christo nato M.DC.XXVI [1626] in: Suchodolski, B (ed.) 1970. Historia nauki polskiej. vol. 2. oprac. H. Barycz, Wrocław- Warszawa: Ossolineum. p.115.
[16] Scheiner, Christoph 1626-1630. Rosa Ursina sive Sol ex Admirando Facularum & Macularum, Bracciano. p. 412. in. Suchodolski, B. (ed.) 1970. Historia nauki polskiej, vol. 2. oprac. H. Barycz, Wrocław- Warszawa: Ossolineum. p.115.
[17] ARSI, Pol.79, f. .21, 22-22v., 23.
[18] Letter of former mathematics professor at Parma – Antonio Maria Constantini SJ to Antonio Rocca dated 8th of December 1640 (Kosibowicz 1929:152-153)
[19] Archiwum nacji polskiej..., (Archive of the Polish nation) vol. 1, p. 79.
[20] Teki Dworzaczka. Akta sejmikowe województwa poznańskiego i kaliskiego z lat 1572-1632. Biblioteka Kórnicka PAN. 804 (No. 223) 1633; 809 (No. 223) 1633.
[21] Highest appellate court in the kingdom.
[22] ibidem. 3259 (No. 171) 1618.
[23] ARSI, Pol.79, f. .21, 22-22v., 23.
[24] Ibidem.
[25] De Bello Tartarico Historia. Auctore R.P. Martino Martini. Editio altera, recognita & aucta. Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana Balthasaris Moreti, M.DC.LIV [1654], p. 111. (Nguyen 2006:80)
[26] Collectanea historiae Sinensis ab anno 1641 ad 1700. Auctore P. Thoma Dunin Spot [Szpot], Provinciae Lithuanae Societatis Jesu. Romae 1710; ad annum 1647. (Kosibowicz idem)
[27] De Rougemont Francois S.J. Histoire Tartaro - Sinica nova, auctore et cet. Complectens ab anno 1660 aulicam bellicamque inter Sinas disciplinam, sacrorum iura, et sacrificulorum; Christianae Religionis prospera adversaque et cet. Lovanii, typis Martini Hullegarde, 1673, 12  p.198. (Kosibowicz idem)
[28] Vath, A. SI. & L. Van Hee SI 1991. Johann Adam Schall von Bell S.J. Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking 1592-1666. Nettetal: Steyler Verlag. p.214.
[29] Bento di Mattos was killed in 1651. (Kajdański, Edward 1999. Michał Boym. Ambasador Państwa Środka. Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza. p.71)
[30] Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao, vol 1: 899-900.
[31] Shi Yunli 石云里 2000. “‘Tianbu zhenyuan yu Gebaini tianwenxue zai Zhongguo de zaoqi chuanbo《天步真原》与哥白尼天文学在中国的早期传播 (the True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens and the Early Spread of Copernican Astronomy in China). Zhongguo keji shiliao 中国科技史料 (China Historical Materials of Science and Technology) 21: 83-91.
[32] Hu Tiezhu胡铁珠1992. “Lixue huitong zhong de yuzhou moshi”《历学会通》中的宇宙模式 (The Cosmological Model in Li Xue Hui Tong), Ziran Kexueshi Yanjiu自然科学史研究 (Studies in the History of Natural Sciences) 11( 3): 224-232.
[33]Shi Yunli 石云里 2006. “Tianbu zhenyuan de shenmi xüwen” 《天步真原》的神秘序文 (The Mysterious Preface to the True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens), Guangxi minzu xueyuan xuebao ziran kexue ban 广西民族学院学报自然科学版 (Bulletin of the Guangxi Nationality University, Edition of Natural Sciences) 12, 1: 23-26.
[34] Kosibowicz, Edward SJ 1929. „Zapomniany misjonarz polski. Ks. Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki T.J., misjonarz w Chinach w XVII-ym wieku”. in: Przegląd Powszechny 181, pp.148-172.
[35] Niesiecki, Kasper S.J. 1841. Herbarz polski Kaspra Niesieckiego S. J.: powiększony dodatkami z poźniejszych autorów, rękopismów, dowodów urzędowych. (Kacper Niesiecki’s Armorial) Lipsk: Breitkopf & Haertel. vol. 8, p.421.
[36] Sommervogel, Carlos 1890. Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, Paris-Brussels.
[37] Pfister, Louis 1932/1934. Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l'ancienne mission de Chine: 1552-1773. Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique.
[38] Wielewicki (ed.) 1999.
[39] Załęski Stanisław T. J. 1901. Jezuici w Polsce. vol. 2. Praca nad spotęgowaniem ducha wiary i pobożności 1608-1648. (Jesuits in Poland) Lwów, pp.585,594.

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